The True Meaning of the Tea Party
Rudolph H. Weingartner
On
March 10, 2010, the Pittsburgh
Post-Gazette published an op ed of mine to which the editor provided this
headline:
Tea
Party paranoia is nothing new
Fear-mongering
has always been with us, but it never wins in the end
The
editor there captured what I had argued in the piece, which had made use of Richard
Hofstadter's 1965 essay, "The
Paranoid Style in American Politics." This is how I concluded:
History teaches us that we've been here before. History teaches us that fear-mongering
can cause great annoyance, Injury, turmoil, even death. But history also teaches us that paranoia in
American politics, in the end, does not
prevail.
This
too shall pass.
I may
have been right in making paranoia the main impetus for the arrival on the
American scene of Tea Party polititicos, but I can’t quite think myself back
into those four-plus years ago.
However that may be, that’s not how I see the Tea Party now. Paranoia is a disease; those afflicted
with it may be disliked, but should not really be blamed, since they actually can’t
help themselves. Now I believe
that people who identify themselves with the Tea Party—and their friends and
sympathizers—are mean-spirited reactionaries—not a disease but a constellation
of beliefs, not imposed but assumed voluntarily. (Tackling the question of the plausibility of that common
sense assumption would take us two hundred pages into the thicket of
controversies about the freedom of the will.)
Yes, reactionary, because, without
actually saying so, those proponents favor returning to a considerably earlier
state of American society, that of the decade, say, of the presidencies of Calvin
Coolidge and Herbert Hoover, 1923 to 1933, that is, to the time before FDR
changed the role of government with the creation of the New Deal. To call Tea Partiers “conservative” is thus
a grave misnomer; they want to change things to the way they were almost a
century ago; they are not aiming to conserve what exists now.
Mean-spirited, because many, indeed most, of their proposals aim at
taking away some benefit provided to fellow human beings or of preventing their
gaining such a one. Obamacare, they
claim, is a bad law. The aim,
therefore is to kill it off, without even a suggestion as to what might replace
it, so that more of their fellow Americans have access to medical
insurance. In effect, the
naysayers don’t regard it as a problem that so many of their confrères are without that safety
net. Similarly, Medicaid—an
existing healthcare program for people with insufficient income to afford it on
their own—need not be expanded to cover more people, even when you federal government
will foot the bill.
And why
has the Tea Party not tackled Medicare?
Surely only because a larger proportions citizens over 65 vote than does
of the population generally.
Surely for similar reasons, there have not been loud demands to revive
the George W. Bush proposal to privatize Social Security, though there has
certainly been propaganda to reduce benefits and to up the age of
eligibility—to be sure, not starting with the generation that votes now.
Finally, to conclude with two additional economic targets, Tea Partiers
have dragged their feet about increasing unemployment benefits. Never mind that the surge in
unemployment was caused by the recent Great Recession, for which those
unemployed bear zero responsibility.
Wall Street does (and they are not suffering) and so do those Tea Party
sympathizers avant la lettre who
steadfastly opposed effective regulation of the financial world.
And
second, Tea Party and friends have persistently opposed raising the minimum
wage, now a shabby $7.25 per hour.
Give me a couple of sentences to say what that means. If someone who is paid that hourly wage
works a full forty hours a week for each of the 52 weeks in the year (and who
actually does?), he or she will have earned $15,080 for the year, supposing no
deductions. Posit against this
that the poverty level for a family of four is now $23,850 a year and for a family of two it is
$15,730. Think single mother with
one child, working non-stop for the year and think of inevitable expenses for
the care of the child. Is it not
the case that to be satisfied with this situation is a symptom of
mean-spiritedness? Also
reactionary because, since asks for a return of the days before the New Deal.
Finally, a couple of paragraphs about the Tea Partiers views concerning
immigration, knowing full well that they will be inadequate, even though I will
not take up the recent surge of unaccompanied children from Central
America. But let’s begin with
children. There may be as many as
four million born in the United States, but to illegal immigrants. According to our law, the requirement
for citizenship (other than via naturalization) is not parentage, but the place
of birth—that is America. This
simple criterion has historically distinguished us from many a more finicky
country, in Europe and elsewhere.
But it has been a good law for the US and accounts in part for the
“attractiveness” that has produced so varied and versatile a population. Still, there are those who want to add
further requirements: now that I’m a citizen, let’s introduce hurdles that
resemble nothing so much as those of a class-stratified society of 18th-century
Europe.
The
central issue, however, for Tea Partiers, is what they have called amnesty. At this time, there are about 12
million people living in the United States who entered the country
illegally. They all broke the law,
so they should not escape an appropriate punishment—not to mention that they
should not be rewarded for their transgression with legitimacy or, perish
forbid, citizenship.
I will
confine myself to two observation, granted that this is a much bigger
topic. First, a significant number
of those “illegals” are illegal in a Pickwickian sense at most. A sizeable number—I was unable to find
a reliable estimate—were brought here as children by their illegally arrived
parents. We consider giving
amnesty (or not) to someone for something she or he did, for an action
performed. Those children did not do anything, they did not decide to
come here and then come; their parents did that—they were just taken
along. The issue of amnesty is as
irrelevant for those children as it would be for someone who failed to show up
on time because he got lost in the woods.
What
about the issue of amnesty for the bulk of those 20 million illegals, that is,
the adults? As far as I can
determine, Tea Partiers are opposed to a procedure that leads to any kind of
legal status. That would be
rewarding people for having committed a sin, to express the point in terms of
the Calvinism that underlies the ideology we have been discussing. But on the other hand, no one proposes
out loud that those millions should be deported, not because that would be
found to be undesirable, but because it just isn’t feasible.
Where
does that leave us? Nowhere. Tea Partiers, to be sure, recognize
that there is a problem, a serious problem. But for them, no solution is acceptable. So much for governing.
A final
observation of a quite different sort.
Those adherents of this ideology who are members of Congress or are officeholders
in various so-called conservative foundations and institutes will not at all be
negatively affected if everything all they agitate for were to come to pass.
These folks are employed, “earning” salaries that vary from very comfortable to
cushy, scare quotes intended. The
same cannot be said for the many ordinary citizens who subscribe to these Tea
Party views. Indeed, any number of
those who put their vote where their beliefs are may be unemployed or in danger
of losing their jobs, be without adequate health insurance or are liable to be,
or are disadvantaged because of the stinginess of the minimum wage.
To me
it is a matter of amazement that so significant a number of people should vote
against their own interest. In the
end, I can only suppose that for many the Tea Party ideology is not a bundle of
mere beliefs, but amounts to a theological dogma. After all, the United States is the most religious country
in the developed world.
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