Pure Evil
When President Obama condemned
the killing of US aid worker Abdul-Rahman Kassig as "an act of pure evil,"
I immediately and strongly agreed with that judgment. That thought,
however, was quickly followed by
the question, why do I agree? I was of course not in doubt about the evil of
the act, but believed that I should think more about what “pure” here means as
modifier.
It turns out that I’ve been
reading about evil in the not-all-that-distant past in the book mentioned
before on this blog, Jeffrey Veidlinger’s In the Shadow of the Shtetl: Small Town Jewish Life in Soviet Ukraine.
Many pages of that book are devoted to an account of murders of Jews that are a
part of the Holocaust that is not as extensively written about and hence not
quite as widely known as that centered around Auschwitz-Birkenau and Treblinka,
the loci of Shoah, the great 1985
Lanzmann film and of a library’s worth of books and articles published before
and after.
I am familiar only with a tiny
fraction of this literature. That would be a fatal disadvantage if my goal were
historical commentary. My aim, however, is to make some conceptual
distinctions, in the hope of coming to understand what it means to say that an
act is pure evil, as the president called it.
Let’s be clear at once: the evil
depicted in the Lanzmann film is millions—indeed many millions—times greater
than the murder of Mr. Kassig. The “pure” here is not a quantitative
measure—how big, how extensive, how
many human beings affected, nor how deeply affected: lightly wounded or killed.
As regards the magnitude of evil, the Holocaust has few if any rivals in human
history. But if we ask, pure evil and, if not, in what way less than pure, some
sorting out will need to be done. To start with, the notion we are discussing
does not pertain to the (evil) action performed The deed itself that is
committed may be more or less evil, but not more or less purely so. It is
surely more evil to burn down a house in which a whole family is trapped than
to shoot a single person, but the one is not more purely evil than the other.
What makes either of these
actions purely or not so purely evil is the motive of the perpetrator. If the
actor’s motive in either of these murderous deeds is to gain some wealth by
taking the lives of these people or to get them out of the path of the
murderer’s pursuit of a goal, however horrible the act, it is not purely evil.
You could imagine the perpetrator saying that if they were not standing in the
way of what I am after, I would not have killed them. Nor does the admixed
motive have to be such a positive one. Indeed, it is often not such a one. I
killed him to prevent him from giving away my secret; so as not to be taken for
a coward; to obey the orders of a powerful superior and motives of many other
kinds.
Before going on to comment on the
perpetrators of the Holocaust, there is something I must make very clear. The
admixed motive that makes the evil other pure is not, because it exists, an
extenuating or mitigating circumstance.
Of course it could be—he threatened me with an ax even after I drew my
pistol, so I shot him—but mostly it is not. If the purity of an evil deed has a
bearing on what the punishment should be—and what punishments are appropriate
is quite another topic—the lack of purity other than one engendered by what truly
is an extenuating circumstance does not decrease the magnitude of the evil that
has been done and by itself does not constitute a reason to modify the
punishment to be meted out. But the fact that determining what is an
extenuating circumstance is no simple matter and then to what degree such a circumstance
shall modify what is n appropriate punishment is indeed another topic and a
quite formidable one.
But before broadening this discussion to the actors responsible for the
Holocaust, let’s return to the our starting point, the murder of Mr. Kassig. Some
observers have asked the question as to what the murderer was aiming to
accomplish with his deed. These observers regarded the murder to be a means to
some unknown end. In the absence of relevant information, however, I find it
very plausible to assert that there was no goal external to the act—no additional
motive—other than the demonstration that the actor is capable of performing it.
That is, as I see it, what makes that evil pure; that is what I assume the
president meant.
A great many people, playing many different roles were active in the
murder of six million Jews and I will want to venture a few general statements
pertaining to our most unpleasant topic, starting with the initiating cause of
that devastation, Adolf Hitler. Yes, in Mein
Kampf and on uncountable occasions thereafter, Hitler put forward reasons why Jews should be persecuted,
with their lives to be increasingly curtailed and finally to be annihilated. I
am, however, not alone in believing that those attributes and actions of
Jews—many of them fictitious—are trotted out to persuade others and,
ultimately, to justify Hitler’s
hatred of Jews. If I am right, the hatred and the actions that followed upon it
are prior to these reasons. In short, Hitler’s initiation of the Holocaust was
indeed an act of pure evil.
That is probably not true of many others, not even of Eichmann. To be
sure, he performed his duties with enthusiasm and strongly believed he was
doing the right thing. But the purity of that motive was supplemented by his
desire to be seen as an effective bureaucrat; hence a horrendous evil doer, but
not of pure evil.
Given that a huge, Germanically efficient, state apparatus was
established to implement the Final Solution,
the odds are that few of the very many who played a role in that
undertaking were without motives to play their roles, in addition to their desire to murder Jews. I will merely summarize by
noting that in that context the aspiration to please superiors or the fear of
their wrath is seldom absent. Though it is no doubt also the case that in the
judicial proceedings after the end of the war these secondary motives were
counted as extenuating circumstances, serving to reduce punishment to a greater
degree than was likely to have been appropriate.
But this brings me back to
the events that took place in the Ukraine, as told in Jeffrey Veidlinger’s
book. With a few exceptions, the scale was not as great as the murdering that
took place further West. The horrors, however, need not take second place to
any: children tossed alive into rivers from the cliffs on their banks, many
adults and children buried alive in the woods—and more. But in the Ukraine, the
vast majority of the Jewish victims were horribly poor, leaving nothing from
which the perpetrators would benefit. Moreover, the Germans, mostly soldiers,
were far from the apparatus of the Endlösung
and thus not inevitably motivated by the existence of superiors to be satisfied
or feared.
And if the odds are great that many of the German participants in Jewish
murders were committing evils that were quite pure, the odds are even greater
that the Romanian participants in extensive killings of Ukrainian Jews were
free of “extraneous” motives. While allied with Germany in its war against the
Soviet Union, they were not under Nazi rule, but quite voluntary participants
in the Holocaust.
I’ve briefly cited major 20th century examples of pure evil,
prompted by a very recent occurrence. But I have no doubt that instances of pure
evil can be found throughout history, back to Nero and beyond. Nor is there any
reason to suppose that there will be a time in the future when acts of pure
evil will cease to be committed. That makes the history of such deeds the best
empirical argument I can think of for the doctrine of original sin.
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