Old History, But Not Forgotten
This letter to The New York Review of Books may be the longest they have ever printed. Alas, to get a full sense of its import, the reader would have to do some research about the events of the 60's, with special attention to California. My letter was noted by Lee Sherman Dreyfus, a fellow crew member on "my" LST, who sent me a note when he saw it. Lee, a shipmates on LST 919 (1945-46), later became a governor of Wisconsin. Small World.
Cont’d
In response to:
Trouble at San
Francisco State: An Exchange from the April 11, 1968 issue
To the Editors:
There is trouble at San Francisco State
College, all right, but I am not at all sure that the Windmiller-Gerassi
exchange (NYR, April 11, 1968) has made clear what it is: With a certain
amount of eloquence—surely with a fluency that befits the literary setting of
the exchange—Messrs. Windmiller and Gerassi are giving the world a look at a
rather private scene of the play that has been unfolding, in San Francisco.
Although the trouble at San Francisco State has relevance for all of higher
education in America, the issues posed in the exchange do not bring this out.
Marshall Windmiller, as one who played an important role in Gerassi’s firing,
defends himself at length; his method is historical: he gives an account of
Gerassi’s hiring, his career at San Francisco State, with special attention to
the eruptions of December 6 and their aftermath. Gerassi, the one who was
fired, is concerned with justifying his actions; his method is polemical: he
proposes to show how everyone who is not a student or gung-ho like himself
belongs to the same corrupt establishment. Windmiller’s history has a flaw that
Aristotle found in all of history: it does not permit one to see the general in
the particular. Gerassi’s fiery polemic does not illuminate enough. As someone
who was quoted by Gerassi with approval, but who is one of the “liberal,
ingrained, faculty-ized academicians” of whom Gerassi so sharply disapproves, I
should like to open the curtain to the larger scene, in the hope that something
can be learned from the story of S.F. State.
For some time, San Francisco State
College has been a lively place in which fairly solid academic work has been
carried on side by side with interesting as well as scatterbrained
experimentation and with routine teacher education. The attractiveness of San
Francisco as a place to live, the opportunities provided by rapid institutional
growth as well as the general demand for more and better public education on
the college level largely go to account for the flourishing of the college from
the late Fifties on. I believe the period of upswing has ended and that a
decline is inevitable. I do not see how anyone can prevent it. The outburst of
December 6 and its aftermath, including the Windmiller and Gerassi exchange,
are symptoms of conditions and trends that are largely independent of
personalities and of particular events.
Public education in California bears a
heavy burden; only a small proportion of its huge educational needs are
fulfilled by private institutions. Just about every year for a decade a new
campus of the University of California or a new State College was created, not
to mention the expansion of institutions that already existed. This costs a lot
of money, but for some years—starting well before Reagan’s election made
manifest to the world what California was all about—the state has shown
increasing reluctance to foot the bill. (In 1965 California spent $10.79 per
$1000 of personal income on institutions of higher education, whereas the
twenty-five Western states exclusive of California—where there are also
relatively few private institutions—spent $17.89.) The State Colleges are
particularly hard hit by this: the skimpiness with which they are financed in
the first place (as compared with the University of California, for example) is
made worse by unbelievably inflexible methods of budgeting and by a stifling
control exercised through the pre-, during and post-auditing habits of the state’s
Department of Finance.
California’s unwillingness to adequately
support the State Colleges is not just a product of the universal desire to
keep the tax bill down. A lot of California money is agricultural money:
education is not an interest of enterprises whose fortunes are made by having
lettuce picked, packed and shipped as cheaply and quickly as possible. Industry
in California is relatively new and not so deeply rooted; it does not have the
political voice that it has, say, in the mid-Atlantic states. Then California
also has more than its share of America’s anti-intellectualism with its
suspicion of any education that is not obviously aimed at training people to
perform “useful” tasks in society. At the same time as relative budgetary
support decreased, the know-nothing streak in California widened. As increasing
parsimony became, with the election of Reagan, public orgies of budget
slashing, California’s anti-intellectualism found noisy and flamboyant
spokesmen in an experienced actor-governor and in Max Rafferty, an articulate
nineteenth-century schoolmaster, California’s Superintendent of Public
Instruction.
The administration of the State Colleges
also changed. With the creation of a much touted but disastrous master plan in
1960, second-class citizenship was officially conferred upon the California
State Colleges and confirmed in law. This status was implemented by the
creation of a central Board of Trustees that was to rule over all the State Colleges,
by means of an executive arm headed by a Chancellor. From the beginning,
appointment to this board has largely been a matter of political reward, with
the result that the Trustees of the eighteen or so State Colleges must, by all
counts, be regarded as a remarkably undistinguished group. In their attitudes
and in their ignorance they have been representative of the politically
dominant class in the State of California, as they have been in their
willingness to act and act swiftly upon their ignorance. As a part-time lay
board they have made it their task to administer a dozen and a half colleges
from afar. Under an obedient chancellor a bureaucracy was created, full of vice
and assistant chancellors and of super-deans (such as a student-less dean of students)
whose job it is to promulgate rules for, supervise the procedures of, exact
reports from, and otherwise harass their over-worked counterparts at the
various colleges. Above all, they are at the upper end of the immensely long
ladder of decision.
The function of this board with its
bureaucracy is other than might be expected. It has never faced the State in
behalf of the colleges; it has never understood the goals of the colleges and
interpreted them to the public and to the politicians who make the laws and
appropriate the monies; it has done little fighting for the needs of the State
Colleges as genuine institutions of higher learning. If one sees through
occasional flurries of rhetoric, the central governing body of the State
College System has unfailingly served as a one-way funnel through which the
untutored desires of politicians are forwarded and implemented.
What these desires are must be clear
enough in the light of what was said above. The politicians want the State
Colleges to keep in their classrooms as many students as possible at the lowest
possible cost. The State wants as many of them as can be managed trained to
perform the various tasks which need to be performed in California. In as quiet
and orderly a way as can be achieved and with a minimum of expenditure, the
California State Colleges are to make their contribution towards the continuous
increase of the gross income of the State. Rule from the center will facilitate
this, because it will foster uniformity, orderliness, and efficiency.
Finally, there are the two most pervasive
and complex conditions which, for the readers of the Review need the
least elaboration. There is the war in Vietnam, with its draft, and racial
injustice in all corners of American society, including its colleges. These two
issues have converted phlegmatic students into passionate moral agents and
adolescent rebelliousness into profound opposition to the establishment.
All this was far too much for poor San
Francisco State. (It is still an open question whether the much more
established University of California can withstand the pressures.) After all,
the members of the faculty and of the student body that have given S.F. State
its—I think deserved—reputation for a certain amount of freedom and creativity
were never more than a significant minority of all those who go to classes
there—sitting on either side of the lectern. Interference from the outside, an
unwieldly bureaucracy, a scarcity of money with no options to transfer funds
from one function to another leave one no room within which to operate when
particular problems need to be solved.
As the pressures mounted, the faculty
coped by passing more and more ringing resolutions. No one has yet paid any
attention to them. An attempt by the American Federation of Teachers to lead a
walkout in protest against the crudest infringements of the College’s academic
autonomy fizzled ingloriously. No one has yet figured out how to face the
demands—partially legitimate, I believe, and partially not—which the active students
make of the College.
Under the pressures I have listed, the
College’s administration, too, began to change. Like the administration of the
System, it came to develop an interest of its own: the smooth working of all
the wheels in the machinery. Whereas in the past, the College’s administration
had for a time reflected and served the creative impulses of the faculty, it is
now rapidly losing touch with what is best in the faculty and student body
alike. The silent majority has not found its voice, but it has acquired
spokesmen in the various administrative officers who have of late been coming
into power. I do not see what can stop San Francisco State College from
becoming just another branch of the California State College System.
It was on this point that Gerassi quoted
me, but this point is only the next to the last of a long series that has to be
made. The final observation must be about what all this has done to the
individuals who have been teaching at S.F. State.
Polarization covers much of the ground.
Pressures from the outside and the sense of impotence engendered by the lack of
room for maneuvering pushed many of those who cared at all to one extreme side
or the other. Some, like Gerassi, found themselves maintaining the view that
the genuineness of feelings—mostly those of students—were the one value to
which everything had to be sacrificed. The nihilism of Gerassi’s views and
actions is reminiscent of its classical models in Turgenev and Dostoevsky,
including its painfully suicidal qualities. Gerassi got himself fired before
his first year was out; what he did at San Francisco State will not lead to
improvement there.
Windmiller, liberal, knowledgeable,
reflective, was pushed the other way. For him the pressures drove a painful
wedge between theory and practice. At an institution less prey to political
interference, Windmiller would have seen that for the sake of free colleges and
universities, the distinction between professional and unprofessional conduct
must be made closer to the instructor’s classroom and his profession, that
Gerassi’s climbing into a window, though reprehensible, was not sufficient
ground to yank him out of his classes in the middle of a semester. But, under
the circumstances, no one, Windmiller included, was free to consider Gerassi’s
case calmly. A full assessment of it is yet to be made.
John Summerskill, a new president at San
Francisco State College, bright, perceptive, good impulses, though not equipped
to be a cog in a machine, soon found himself caught in a three-way crossfire
coming from outside (the politicians and the System), from the students at the
College, and, with bb guns, from the faculty. It took less than two years to
render him ineffectual inside and outside the College; he had no way of dealing
with the problems that arose. He then did the only sensible thing. He quit.
I have been at S.F. State since 1959 and
I’ve liked the College, the students, my department, the great city. But I
became weary of the academic battles and the losing. The only victories we have
celebrated in the last couple of years have been on occasions at which
others—the System, the Legislature, the Governor—had failed, for once, to
worsen our lot still more. Usually, though, they have been successful in making
inroads on our dignity as an institution of higher learning and on our
financial support. I have given up hope and am leaving the College and the
State of California.
No more than Gerassi’s actions are
Windmiller’s, Summerskill’s, and Weingartner’s likely to lead to change for the
better.
Others are staying. Some—too many—go
about their business as they always have. Nothing has altered for them; nothing
did when, earlier, the College came to flourish; nothing does, as it threatens
to wither. For others, much has changed and they go about their business
grimly, hoping against hope that the course of events can be reversed. To them,
I wish the very best of luck and hope that my bleak vision of the future for
S.F. State is somehow wrong.
But if I am right and if for some long
years San Francisco State will be just another state college, there are many
colleges and systems around the country who can still learn from its fate. For
some, it may not be too late.
Rudolph H. Weingartner
Department of Philosophy
San Francisco State College